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Picture of Antifascist
Posted

quote:
What is done for me through money, what I pay, that is what money can buy, that is what I , myself, the possessor of money am. My strenght is as great as the strength of the money. Money's characteristics are mine--the characteristics and essential strenghts of its owner. That which I am and can do, therefore, is by no means determined by my personality. I am ugly, but I can buy myself the most beautiful wife. Therefore, I am not ugly, for the effect of ugliness, its power to repel, is negated by money. According to my individuality I am lame, but money provides me with twenty-four feet, therefore I am not lame....

When I have no money for traveling, I have no need to travel, that is, no actual and self-actualizing need. If I have a vocation of study, but have no money, I really have no vacation for study at all, that is , no effective, no true vocation. Conversely, if I really have no vocation for study, but do have the will and the money for it, then I have an effective vocation for it....
Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts, 1844.
Karl Marx.


quote:
We have seen what significance, given socialism, the wealth of human needs acquires, and what significance, therefore, both a new mode of production and a new object of production obtain: a new manifestation of the forces of human nature and a new enrichment of human nature.

Under private property their significance is reversed: every person speculates on creating a new need in another, so as to drive him to fresh sacrifice, to place him in a new dependence and to seduce him into a new mode of enjoyment and therefore economic ruin. Each tries to establish over the other an alien power, so as thereby to find satisfaction of his own selfish need. The increase in the quantity of objects is therefore accompanied by an extension of the realm of the alien powers to which man is subjected, and every new product represents a new potentiality of mutual swindling and mutual plundering. Man becomes ever poorer as man, his need for money becomes ever greater if he wants to master the hostile power. The power of his money declines in inverse proportion to the increase in the volume of production: that is, his neediness grows as the power of money increases.
Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts, 1844.
Karl Marx.

This message has been edited. Last edited by: Antifascist,


Remembrance of the Fascists may give rise to dangerous insights...
Herbert Marcuse
 
Posts: 3909 | Location: California, Bay Area | Registered: 31 October 2004Report This Post
Picture of ArtJunky
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quote:
If this were a dictatorship, it'd be a heck of a lot easier, just so long as I'm the dictator


King George II
 
Posts: 3527 | Location: Earth | Registered: 22 May 2003Report This Post
Picture of Kulak
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When I have no money for traveling, I have no need to travel, that is, no actual and self-actualizing need.

That is unless I need to travel, then I can always walk or hitch, I have no true need for money.


If I have a vocation of study, but have no money, I really have no vacation for study at all, that is , no effective, no true vocation. Conversely, if I really have no vocation for study, but do have the will and the money for it, then I have an effective vocation for it....

Unless I live in America and am poor , then I can study for free.

Quoting Karl Marx now are we?, pining for the good ole days, say 1937 leningrad? It was such a fun and exciting purge.
You can always emigrate to north korea or Cuba anti.



\
Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts, 1844.
Karl Marx.



The inherent vice of capitalism is the unequal sharing of blessings; the inherent virtue of socialism is the equal sharing of miseries.
Winston Churchill
 
Posts: 623 | Location: lefortovo | Registered: 09 February 2006Report This Post
Picture of Antifascist
Posted Hide Post
quote:
That is unless I need to travel, then I can always walk or hitch, I have no true need for money.

Kulak, you're an idiot besides a fascist. You can write, but making sense it the goal for most people.
The NeoCon Francis Fukuyama just recently said that the Bush Admininstration NeoCons are Leninists---your own guy!!!
quote:
...people like Kristol and Kagan was, by contrast, Leninist; they believed that history can be pushed along with the right application of power and will. Leninism was a tragedy in its Bolshevik version, and it has returned as farce when practiced by the United States.
After NeoConservatism by Francis Fukuyama





Remembrance of the Fascists may give rise to dangerous insights...
Herbert Marcuse
 
Posts: 3909 | Location: California, Bay Area | Registered: 31 October 2004Report This Post
Picture of Kulak
Posted Hide Post
A little history on antifascists:


Wilhelm Zaisser was in charge of the antifascist school at Krasnogorsk. There, thousands of German prisoner’s of war of all ranks, including several generals, allowed themselves to be brainwashed and turned into socialist “believers”.

Marshal Georgy K. Zhukov, supreme commander of Soviet Forces in Germany and head of the Soviet Military Administration { SMA}, issued his SMA Order No. 2 on July 10, 1945, legalizing the establishment of antifascist political parties such as the KPD. What is the KPD? Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands; the name borne by the Communist Party of Germany before the post-WW 2 ban on communist parties in West Germany.

In 1946, the Soviets ordered the fusion of the KPD and the Social Democrat Party.
The new party was named the Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands [SED], the socialist unity party.


The SED created the STASI in 1950. The STASI [east German Secret Police], are in fact antifascists.

The Stasi was much worse than the Gestapo, if you consider only the oppression of its own people. The Gestapo had 40,000 officials watching a country of 80 million, while the Stasi employed 102,000 to control only 17 million. The ratio of officers for the Stasi was one secret policeman for every 166 East Germans!

How about that anti, they were Socialists just like you, fascinating huh?



The inherent vice of capitalism is the unequal sharing of blessings; the inherent virtue of socialism is the equal sharing of miseries.
Winston Churchill
 
Posts: 623 | Location: lefortovo | Registered: 09 February 2006Report This Post
<Miles>
Posted
quote:
How about that anti, they were Socialists just like you, fascinating huh?

No, they weren't. Get your facts together.

Why is it that you right wingers can never get your history in order?
 
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<Miles>
Posted
Here's some info you might be interested in:

Nazi Talk Radio.

Pay special attention to THIS post.

And THIS one.

Here's a good ARTICLE.

Now, if you ever want to claim Nazism = Sicialism again, I suggest you do your homework first.
 
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Picture of Kulak
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quote:
No, they weren't. Get your facts together.


What fact are you disputing miles? Care to tell me? Even though this discussion does not even involve you, you seem to have appointed yourself as the forum secret police.



The inherent vice of capitalism is the unequal sharing of blessings; the inherent virtue of socialism is the equal sharing of miseries.
Winston Churchill
 
Posts: 623 | Location: lefortovo | Registered: 09 February 2006Report This Post
<Miles>
Posted
quote:
The Stasi, [..] Gestapo, [...] were Socialists


Incorrect.
 
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Picture of Antifascist
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quote:
Nearly all of Hitler's beliefs placed him on the far right.
http://www.huppi.com/kangaroo/L-hitler.htm

Summary

Many conservatives accuse Hitler of being a leftist, on the grounds that his party was named "National Socialist." But socialism requires worker ownership and control of the means of production. In Nazi Germany, private capitalist individuals owned the means of production, and they in turn were frequently controlled by the Nazi party and state. True socialism does not advocate such economic dictatorship -- it can only be democratic. Hitler's other political beliefs place him almost always on the far right. He advocated racism over racial tolerance, eugenics over freedom of reproduction, merit over equality, competition over cooperation, power politics and militarism over pacifism, dictatorship over democracy, capitalism over Marxism, realism over idealism, nationalism over internationalism, exclusiveness over inclusiveness, common sense over theory or science, pragmatism over principle, and even held friendly relations with the Church, even though he was an atheist.
Argument

To most people, Hitler's beliefs belong to the extreme far right. For example, most conservatives believe in patriotism and a strong military; carry these beliefs far enough, and you arrive at Hitler's warring nationalism. This association has long been something of an embarrassment to the far right. To deflect such criticism, conservatives have recently launched a counter-attack, claiming that Hitler was a socialist, and therefore belongs to the political left, not the right.

The primary basis for this claim is that Hitler was a National Socialist. The word "National" evokes the state, and the word "Socialist" openly identifies itself as such.

However, there is no academic controversy over the status of this term: it was a misnomer. Misnomers are quite common in the history of political labels. Examples include the German Democratic Republic (which was neither) and Vladimir Zhirinovsky's "Liberal Democrat" party (which was also neither). The true question is not whether Hitler called his party "socialist," but whether or not it actually was.

In fact, socialism has never been tried at the national level anywhere in the world. This may surprise some people -- after all, wasn't the Soviet Union socialist? The answer is no. Many nations and political parties have called themselves "socialist," but none have actually tried socialism. To understand why, we should revisit a few basic political terms.

Perhaps the primary concern of any political ideology is who gets to own and control the means the production. This includes factories, farmlands, machinery, etc. Generally there have been three approaches to this question. The first was aristocracy, in which a ruling elite owned the land and productive wealth, and peasants and serfs had to obey their orders in return for their livelihood. The second is capitalism, which has disbanded the ruling elite and allows a much broader range of private individuals to own the means of production. However, this ownership is limited to those who can afford to buy productive wealth; nearly all workers are excluded. The third (and untried) approach is socialism, where everyone owns and controls the means of production, by means of the vote. As you can see, there is a spectrum here, ranging from a few people owning productive wealth at one end, to everyone owning it at the other.

Socialism has been proposed in many forms. The most common is social democracy, where workers vote for their supervisors, as well as their industry representatives to regional or national congresses. Another proposed form is anarcho-socialism, where workers own companies that would operate on a free market, without any central government at all. As you can see, a central planning committee is hardly a necessary feature of socialism. The primary feature is worker ownership of production.

The Soviet Union failed to qualify as socialist because it was a dictatorship over workers -- that is, a type of aristocracy, with a ruling elite in Moscow calling all the shots. Workers cannot own or control anything under a totalitarian government. In variants of socialism that call for a central government, that government is always a strong or even direct democracy… never a dictatorship. It doesn't matter if the dictator claims to be carrying out the will of the people, or calls himself a "socialist" or a "democrat." If the people themselves are not in control, then the system is, by definition, non-democratic and non-socialist.

And what of Nazi Germany? The idea that workers controlled the means of production in Nazi Germany is a bitter joke. It was actually a combination of aristocracy and capitalism. Technically, private businessmen owned and controlled the means of production. The Nazi "Charter of Labor" gave employers complete power over their workers. It established the employer as the "leader of the enterprise," and read: "The leader of the enterprise makes the decisions for the employees and laborers in all matters concerning the enterprise." (1)

The employer, however, was subject to the frequent orders of the ruling Nazi elite. After the Nazis took power in 1933, they quickly established a highly controlled war economy under the direction of Dr. Hjalmar Schacht. Like all war economies, it boomed, making Germany the second nation to recover fully from the Great Depression, in 1936. (The first nation was Sweden, in 1934. Following Keynesian-like policies, the Swedish government spent its way out of the Depression, proving that state economic policies can be successful without resorting to dictatorship or war.)

Prior to the Nazi seizure of power in 1933, worker protests had spread all across Germany in response to the Great Depression. During his drive to power, Hitler exploited this social unrest by promising workers to strengthen their labor unions and increase their standard of living. But these were empty promises; privately, he was reassuring wealthy German businessmen that he would crack down on labor once he achieved power. Historian William Shirer describes the Nazi's dual strategy:
"The party had to play both sides of the tracks. It had to allow [Nazi officials] Strasser, Goebbels and the crank Feder to beguile the masses with the cry that the National Socialists were truly 'socialists' and against the money barons. On the other hand, money to keep the party going had to be wheedled out of those who had an ample supply of it." (2)
Once in power, Hitler showed his true colors by promptly breaking all his promises to workers. The Nazis abolished trade unions, collective bargaining and the right to strike. An organization called the "Labor Front" replaced the old trade unions, but it was an instrument of the Nazi party and did not represent workers. According to the law that created it, "Its task is to see that every individual should be able… to perform the maximum of work." Workers would indeed greatly boost their productivity under Nazi rule. But they also became exploited. Between 1932 and 1936, workers wages fell, from 20.4 to 19.5 cents an hour for skilled labor, and from 16.1 to 13 cents an hour for unskilled labor. (3) Yet workers did not protest. This was partly because the Nazis had restored order to the economy, but an even bigger reason was that the Nazis would have cracked down on any protest.

Kulak The Craphead Fascist wrote...
quote:
What is the KPD? Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands; the name borne by the Communist Party of Germany before the post-WW 2 ban on communist parties in West Germany.

In 1946, the Soviets ordered the fusion of the KPD and the Social Democrat Party.
The new party was named the Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands [SED], the socialist unity party.

What a lying piece of crap you are Kulak The Craphead. I think you left out just a tiny, tiny bit of history you sorry ass Mofo...
I noticed that the American right-wing fascists has been trying to rewrite WWII history to make it sound like it was the left-wing or the "socialists" that were the responsible party for putting Hitler into power. I have seen this version of history presented many times on the discussion boards in order to hide the fact that it was right-wing anti-communists, anti-Marxist, anti-liberal elements of the Weimar Republic that is responsible for putting Hitler into power. There is a resurgent, widespread attempt by the far right to label fascism as a form of socialism. Fredrick von Hayek was the first to attempt labeling the Nazis as socialists in his book "The Road to Serfdom" published in 1944. The hard right quickly adopted it, as it allowed the hard right to escape the charges that they had much in common with the Nazis. So lets look at the Social-Democratic Party's history first and then look at the actual persons that put Hitler into power.
quote:

Both Luxemburg and Liebknecht were prominent members of the left wing faction of the German Social-Democratic Party (SPD). Liebknecht was the son of SPD founder Wilhelm Liebknecht. They moved to found an independent organization after the SPD decided to support the German government's decision to declare war on Russia in 1914, beginning what would later be known as World War I. Besides their opposition to what they saw as an imperialist war, Luxemburg and Liebknecht maintained the need for revolutionary methods, in contrast to the leadership of the SPD, who had decided to participate in the parliamentary process.

After the Russian Revolution of 1917, the Spartacists decided to agitate for a similar course, a government based on local workers' councils (soviets) in Germany. Liebknecht and Luxemburg were imprisoned from 1916 until 1918 for their roles in helping to organize a public demonstration in Berlin against German involvement in the war. After the November revolution which overthrew the Kaiser and led to the end of World War I, a period of instability and revolutions began, which would last until 1923. Liebknecht declared a socialist republic in Germany from a balcony of the Kaiser's Berlin City Palace in November of 1918, on the same night that Philipp Scheidemann of the SPD declared the Weimar Republic from the Reichstag.

Communists of the Spartacist League fighting in the streets of Berlin during the German Revolution 1918-1919In December 1918, the Spartakusbund became the Communist Party of Germany (KPD), the German affiliate of the Communist International (Comintern). On January 1, 1919, the KPD attempted to take control of Berlin in what came to be known as the Spartakus uprising. This occurred against the advice of Luxemburg, who argued that an uprising was premature since the Spartakusbund was too weak and not enough of the working class had come over to its side.

The attempted revolution was crushed by the combined forces of the SPD, the remnants of the German Army, and the right-wing paramilitary groups known as the Freikorps, on the orders of chancellor Friedrich Ebert. Luxemburg and Liebknecht, among many others, were killed while held prisoner by the Freikorps, and their bodies dumped in a river. Hundreds of Spartacists were executed in the weeks following the uprising.

The remains of the Spartacist League continued as the KPD, which retained the League's newspaper, die Rote Fahne (Red Flag), as its publication.


The point here is that the Social Democratic Party split into the Communist Party of Germany (KPD) so they were rivals from the very start! This is 1919! Hitler didn't become Chancellor until 1933. The KPD was outlawed leaving only SPD in the parliamentary system, a system they opposed, to become part of the Weimar coalition whether they liked it or not. The Free Corps were being used as paramilitary thugs since 1918 even after they were outlawed in 1920.

quote:
Weimar Republic
Subsequently the Social Democratic Party and the newly founded Communist Party of Germany (KPD, which consisted mostly of former members of the SPD) became bitter rivals, not least because of the legacy of the German Revolution. While the KPD remained in staunch opposition to the newly established parliamentary system, the SPD became as a part of the so-called Weimar Coalition, one of the pillars of the struggling republic, leading several of the shortlived interwar cabinets. On July 20, 1932, the SPD-led Prussian government in Berlin, headed by Otto Braun, was ousted by military coup. This development proved to be a significant factor contributing to the ultimate downfall of the Weimar republic. Following the appointment of Adolf Hitler as chancellor on January 30, 1933 by president Hindenburg, the SPD reached during the last at least partial free elections on March 5 18,25% of the votes, gaining 120 seats. These were not enough seats to prevent the ratification of the Enabling Act, which granted extraconstitutional powers to the government, by 2/3 majority, as the SPD was the only party to vote against the act (the KPD being already outlawed). It still holds to this day a certain pride in being the only party that voted against it. After the passing of the Enabling Act the party was finally banned by the Nazis on July 14, 1933.


Ultimately the SPD was thrown out by military coup and they opposed Hitler's Enabling Act--they were the only party in parliament to do so.

The real culprit was Hindenburg's willingness to deal with Hilter in the first place and underestimating him. Over a number of years, 1931 to 1933, Hitler was finally able to outmaneuver Hindenburg. It wasn't the SPD or even at faction of the SPD that lead to Hitler becoming Chancellor of Germany, but rather complex backroom deals made by Hindenberg, his advisors like Franz von Papen, and German Corporations.
quote:

The Republic Collapses
http://www.historyplace.com/worldwar2/riseofhitler/collapse.htm
Amid the swirling mess in Berlin of political intrigue, rumors, and disorder, the SA, the Nazi storm troopers, stood out as an ominous presence. In the spring of 1932, many in the German democratic government came to believe the Brownshirts were about to take over by force.

There were now over 400,000 storm troopers under the leadership of SA Chief Ernst Röhm. Many members of the SA considered themselves to be a true revolutionary army and were anxious to live up to that idea. Adolf Hitler had to reign them in from time to time so they wouldn't upset his own carefully laid plans to undermine the republic.

Hitler knew he could not succeed as Führer of Germany without the support of existing institutions such as the German Army and the powerful German industrialists, both of whom kept a wary eye on the revolutionary SA.

In April of 1932, Heinrich Bruening, Chancellor of Germany, invoked Article 48 of the constitution and issued a decree banning the SA and SS all across Germany. The Nazis were outraged and wanted Hitler to fight the ban. But Hitler, always a step ahead of them all, knew better. He agreed, knowing the republic was on its last legs and that opportunity would soon come along for him.


That opportunity came in the form of Kurt von Schleicher, a scheming, ambitious Army officer who had ideas of leading Germany himself. But he made the mistake (that would prove fatal) of underestimating Hitler. Schleicher was acquainted with Hitler and had been the one who arraigned for Hitler to meet Hindenburg, a meeting that went poorly for Hitler.

On May 8, 1932, Schleicher held a secret meeting with Hitler and offered a proposal. The ban on the SA and SS would be lifted, the Reichstag dissolved and new elections called, and Chancellor Bruening would be dumped, if Hitler would support him in a conservative nationalist government. Hitler agreed.

Schleicher's skillful treachery behind the scenes in Berlin first resulted in the humiliation and ousting of Gen. Wilhelm Groener, a longtime trusted aid to President Hindenburg and friend of the republic. In the Reichstag, Groener, who supported the ban on the SA, took a severe public tongue lashing from Hermann Göring and was hooted and booed by Goebbels and the rest of the Nazis.

"We covered him with such catcalls that the whole house began to tremble and shake with laughter. In the end one could only have pity for him. That man is finished." - Joseph Goebbels wrote in his diary in 1932.

Groener was pressured by Schleicher to resign. He appealed without success to Hindenburg and wound up resigning on May 13. Schleicher's next target was Chancellor Bruening.

Heinrich Bruening was one of the last men in Germany who stood up to Hitler with the best interest of the people at heart. He was responsible for getting Hindenburg re-elected as president to keep out Hitler and preserve the republic. He was also hard at work on the international scene to help the German economy by seeking an end to war reparations. But his economic policies at home brought dismal results. As Germany's economic situation got worse, with nearly six million unemployed, Bruening was labeled "The Hunger Chancellor."

Bruening had also continued the dangerous precedent of ruling by decree. He invoked Article 48 of the German constitution several times to break the political stalemate in Berlin.

To Schleicher and Hitler, he was simply in the way and had to go. Schleicher went to work on him by undermining the support of Hindenburg. Bruening was already in trouble with Hindenburg, who blamed him for the political turmoil that had made it necessary to run for re-election at age 85 against the 'Bohemian Corporal' Adolf Hitler.

Bruening also made an error in proposing that the huge estates of bankrupt aristocrats be divided up and given to peasants, sounding like a Marxist. Those same aristocrats, along with big industrialists, had scraped together the money to buy Hindenburg an estate of his own. When Hindenburg took his Easter vacation there in mid-May, he had to listen to their complaints about Bruening. All the while, Schleicher was at work against Bruening as well.

On May 29, 1932, Hindenburg called in Bruening and told him to resign. The next day, Heinrich Bruening handed in his resignation, effectively ending democracy in Germany.

Schleicher was now in control. He chose as his puppet chancellor, an unknown socialite named Franz von Papen who had grave doubts about his own ability to function in such a high office. Hindenburg, however, took a liking to Papen and encouraged him to take the job.

The aristocratic Papen assembled a cabinet of men like himself. This ineffective cabinet of aristocrats and industrialists presided over a nation that would soon be on the verge of anarchy.

When Adolf Hitler was asked by President Hindenburg if he would support Papen as chancellor, he said yes. On June 4, the Reichstag was dissolved and new elections were called for the end of July. On June 15, the ban on the SA and SS was lifted. The secret promises made to the Nazis by Schleicher had been fulfilled.

Murder and violence soon erupted on a scale never before seen in Germany. Roaming groups of Nazi Brownshirts walked the streets singing Nazi songs and looking for fights.

"Blut muss fliessen, Blut muss fliessen! Blut muss fliessen Knuppelhageldick! Haut'se doch zusammen, haut'se doch zusammen! Diese gotverdammte Juden Republik!" - the Nazi storm troopers sang.

(translation)

"Blood must flow, blood must flow! Blood must flow as cudgel thick as hail! Let's smash it up, let's smash it up! That goddamned Jewish republic!"

The Nazis found many Communists in the streets wanting a fight and they began regularly shooting at each other. Hundreds of gun battles took place. On July 17, the Nazis under police escort brazenly marched into a Communist area near Hamburg in the state of Prussia. A big shoot-out occurred in which 19 people were killed and nearly 300 wounded. It came to be known as "Bloody Sunday."

Papen invoked Article 48 and proclaimed martial law in Berlin and also took over the government of the German state of Prussia by naming himself Reich Commissioner. Germany had taken a big step closer to authoritarian rule.

Hitler now decided that Papen was simply in the way and had to go.

"I regard your cabinet only as a temporary solution and will continue my efforts to make my party the strongest in the country. The chancellorship will then devolve on me." - Hitler told Von Papen.

The July elections would provide that opportunity. The Nazis, sensing total victory, campaigned with fanatical energy. Hitler was now speaking to adoring German audiences of up to 100,000 at a time. The phenomenon of large scale 'Führer worship' had begun. On July 31, the people voted and gave the Nazis 13,745,000 votes, 37% of the total, granting them 230 seats in the Reichstag. The Nazi party was now the largest and most powerful in Germany.

On August 5, Hitler presented his list of demands to Schleicher - the chancellorship, passage of an enabling act giving him control to rule by decree, three cabinet posts for Nazis, the creation of a propaganda ministry, control over the Ministry of the Interior, and control of Prussia. As for Schleicher, he would get the Ministry of Defense as a reward.

Schleicher listened, didn't say yes or no, but would let him know later.

With gleeful anticipation, Hitler awaited Schleicher's response and even ordered that a memorial tablet be made to mark the place where the historic meeting with Schleicher had occurred.

Meanwhile, the SA began massing in Berlin anticipating a takeover of power. But old President Hindenburg soon put an end to Hitler's dreams. Hindenburg by now distrusted Hitler and would not have him as chancellor, especially after the behavior of the SA.

On August 13, Schleicher and Papen met with Hitler and gave him the bad news. The best they could offer was a compromise - vice chancellorship and the Prussian Ministry of the Interior.

Hitler became hysterical. In a display of wild rage that stunned Schleicher and Papen, he spewed out threats of violence and murder, saying he would let loose the SA for three days of mayhem all across Germany.

Later that same day, Hitler was called on the carpet by President Hindenburg. The former Austrian Corporal got a tongue lashing from the former Field Marshal after once again demanding the chancellorship and refusing to cooperate with Papen and Schleicher.

In the presence of the steely-eyed old Prussian, Hitler backed down. The gamble for total victory had failed. He put the SA on a two week furlough and went to Berchtesgaden to lick his wounds. They would all have to wait, he told them. Just a little longer.

On September 12, the Reichstag under the new chairmanship of Hermann Göring gave a vote of no confidence to Papen and his government. But just before that vote was taken, Papen had slapped an order on Göring's desk dissolving the Reichstag and calling yet again for new elections.

This was a problem. Everyone was getting tired of elections by now. Goebbels had a hard time getting the Nazi effort up to the same level of a few months earlier.

In the middle of the campaign, Hitler's girlfriend Eva Braun shot herself in the neck during a suicide attempt. Hitler was still haunted by the suicide of his beloved niece a few years earlier. Eva Braun was deeply in love with Hitler but didn't get the attention she craved. Hitler rushed to the hospital and resolved to look after her from that moment on.

This distraction served to slow down the already sluggish Nazi campaign. More problems came after Goebbels and a number of Nazis went along with the Communists in a wildcat strike of transport workers in Berlin, thus alienating a lot of middle class voters.

Bad publicity from siding with the Reds plus the bad publicity Hitler got after his meeting with Hindenburg combined to lose them votes. Adding to all this were the wild antics of the SA. On November 6, the Nazis lost two million votes and thirty four seats in the Reichstag. It seemed the Nazis were losing momentum. Hitler became depressed.

But there was still no workable government in Berlin. Papen's position as chancellor was badly weakened. And Schleicher was now at work behind the scenes to further undermine him. On November 17, Papen went to Hindenburg and told him he was unable to form any kind of working coalition, then resigned.

Two days later, Hitler requested a meeting with Hindenburg. Once again Hitler demanded to be made chancellor. Once again he was turned down. This time however, Hindenburg took a friendlier tone, asking Hitler, soldier to soldier, to meet him half way and cooperate with the other parties to form a working majority, in other words, a coalition government. Hitler said no.

On November 21, Hitler saw Hindenburg again and tried a different approach. He read a prepared statement claiming that parliamentary government had failed and that only the Nazis could be counted on to stop the spread of Communism. He asked Hindenburg to make him the leader of a presidential cabinet. Hindenburg said no, and only repeated his own previous requests.

The Government of Germany had ground to a halt.

Meanwhile, a group of the country's most influential industrialists, bankers, and business leaders sent a petition to Hindenburg asking him to appoint Hitler as chancellor. They believed Hitler would be good for business.

Hindenburg was in a terrible bind. He called in Papen and Schleicher and asked them what to do. Papen came up with a wild idea. He would be chancellor again and rule only by decree, eliminate the Reichstag altogether, use the Army and police to suppress all political parties and forcibly amend the constitution. It would be a return to the days of Empire, with the conservative, aristocratic classes ruling.

Schleicher objected, much to Papen's surprise. Schleicher said that he, not Papen, should head the government and promised Hindenburg he could get a working majority in the Reichstag by causing a rift among the Nazis. Schleicher said he could get Gregor Strasser and as many as 60 Nazi deputies to break from Hitler.

Hindenburg was dumbfounded and finally turned to Papen and asked him to go ahead and form his government. After Hindenburg left the room, Papen and Schleicher got into a huge shouting match.

At a cabinet meeting the next day, Schleicher told Papen that any attempt by him to form a new government would bring the country to chaos. He insisted that the Army would not go along and then produced a Major Ott who backed up his claims. Schleicher had been at work behind the scenes to sway the Army to his point of view. Papen was in big trouble.

He went running to Hindenburg, who, with tears rolling down his cheeks, told Papen there was no alternative at this point except to name Schleicher as the new chancellor.

"My dear Papen, you will not think much of me if I change my mind. But I am too old and have been through too much to accept the responsibility for a civil war. Our only hope is to let Schleicher try his luck." - President Hindenburg told Papen.

Kurt von Schleicher became Chancellor of Germany on December 2, 1932. There now began an incredible amount of behind-the-scenes political intrigue and backstabbing that would put Hitler in power in only 57 days.

To begin with, Schleicher made good on his promise to try to split the Nazis. He held a secret meeting with Gregor Strasser, a Nazi who had been with Hitler from the start, and offered him the vice-chancellorship and control of Prussia.

To Strasser, the offer was quite appealing. The Nazi party's recent decline, losing millions of votes and now experiencing terrible financial problems, seemed to indicate that Hitler's rigid tactics might not be the best thing for long-term success. Strasser had also acquired a distaste for the brutal men who now made up Hitler's inner circle.

Through Papen, Hitler found out what was going on. On December 5, Strasser and his infuriated Führer met, along with other Nazi leaders, in a Berlin hotel. Strasser insisted that Hitler and the Nazis cooperate or at least tolerate the Schleicher government. Göring and Goebbels opposed him. Hitler sided with them against Strasser.

Two days later, Strasser and Hitler met again and wound up getting into a huge shouting match. Strasser accused Hitler of leading the party to ruin. Hitler accused Strasser of stabbing him in the back.

The following day, Strasser wrote a letter to Hitler, resigning all of his duties as a member of the Nazi party. Hitler and the Nazi leaders were stunned. One of the founding members and most influential leaders had abandoned them. The Nazi Party seemed to be unraveling. Hitler became depressed, even threatening to shoot himself with a pistol.

Strasser headed for a vacation in Italy.

"Whatever happens, mark what I say. From now on Germany is in the hands of an Austrian, who is a congenital liar (Hitler), a former officer who is a pervert (Röhm), and a clubfoot (Goebbels). And I tell you the last is the worst of them all. This is Satan in human form." - Gregor Strasser, 1932.

As for Hermann Göring...

"Göring is a brutal egotist who cares nothing for Germany as long as he becomes something."

Regarding Strasser, Goebbels wrote in his diary: "Strasser is a dead man."

Hitler assigned his trusted aid, Rudolph Hess, to take over Strasser's duties. Over the Christmas season, Hitler became quite depressed over the failing fortunes of his party.

And it seemed to many political observers that the danger of a Hitler dictatorship had passed.

But the new year brought new intrigue. The big bankers and industrialists who had petitioned Hindenburg on behalf of Hitler still liked the idea of Hitler in power. And Papen was now out to bring down Schleicher. On January 4, 1933, Hitler went to a meeting with Papen at the house of banker Kurt von Schroeder. Papen surprised Hitler by offering to oust Schleicher and install a Papen-Hitler government with himself and Hitler, both equal partners.

Hitler liked the idea of ousting Schleicher but insisted that he would have to be the real head of government. He would, however, be willing to work with Papen and his ministers. Papen gave in and agreed.

When Schleicher found out, he went running to Hindenburg, charging Papen with treachery. But Hindenburg had a soft spot for Papen and would not go along.

Schleicher's position was already badly weakened. He was unable to get the government moving because nobody trusted him enough to join him in a working coalition. The German government remained at a standstill with the people and Hindenburg getting more impatient by the day. Something had to be done. Hindenburg authorized Papen to continue negotiating with Hitler, but to keep it secret from Schleicher.

In the small German state of Lippe, local elections were scheduled for January 15. Hitler and the Nazis took this opportunity to make a big impression. They saturated the place with propaganda and campaigned heavily, hoping to win big and prove they had regained momentum.

They received a small increase in votes over their previous election total. But they used their own widely circulated Nazi newspapers to exaggerate the significance and to once again lay claim that Hitler and the Nazis were the wave of the future. It worked well and even impressed President Hindenburg.

On Sunday, January 22, 1933, a secret meeting was held at the home of Joachim von Ribbentrop. It was attended by Papen, Hindenburg's son Oskar, along with Hitler and Göring. Hitler grabbed Oskar and brought him into a private room and worked on him for an hour to convince him that the Nazis had to be taken into the government on his terms. Oskar emerged from the meeting convinced it was inevitable. The Nazis were to be taken in. Papen then pledged his loyalty to Hitler.

Next, Schleicher went to Hindenburg with a proposal - declare a state of emergency to control the Nazis, dissolve the Reichstag, and suspend elections. Hindenburg said no.

But word of this proposal leaked out, bringing Schleicher the wrath of the liberal and centrist parties. Schleicher then backed down, bringing him the wrath of anti-Nazi conservatives. His position was hopeless.

On January 28, he went to Hindenburg and asked him once again to dissolve the Reichstag. Hindenburg said no. Schleicher resigned.

Papen and the president's son, Oskar, moved in on the old gentleman to convince him to appoint a Hitler-Papen government. Hindenburg was now a tired old man weary of all the intrigue. He seemed ready to give in. Hitler sensed his weakness and issued an additional demand that four important cabinet posts be given to Nazis.

This did not set well with the old man and he started having doubts about Hitler as chancellor. He was reassured when Hitler promised that Papen would get one of those four posts.

On the 29th, a false rumor circulated that Schleicher was about to arrest Hindenburg and stage a military takeover of the government. When Hindenburg heard of this, it ended his hesitation. He decided to appoint Adolf Hitler as the next Chancellor of Germany.

However, a last minute objection by conservative leader, Alfred Hugenberg, nearly ruined everything. On January 30, while President Hindenburg waited in the other room to give Hitler the chancellorship, Hugenberg held up everything by arguing with the Nazis over Hitler's demand for new elections. He was persuaded by Hitler to back down, or at least let Hindenburg decide. With that settled they all headed into the president's office.

Around noon on January 30, 1933, a new chapter in German history began as a teary-eyed Adolf Hitler emerged from the presidential palace as Chancellor of the German Nation. Surrounded by admirers, he got into his car and was driven down the street lined with cheering citizens.

"We've done it! We've done it!" - a jubilant Adolf Hitler exclaimed.

The above article shows that the SPD was itself split and so one can demonstrate that the "Marxist" fought against fascism. A faction of the SPD fought the KPD, which itself was composed of former SPD members, but not because they were allies of fascism. The error is one of over simplification. I will give a more complex account below.

Capitalist Liberal Democratic SOCIETY (not the Marxist SPD political party) laid the groundwork for fascism in Germany. This thesis is argued by Herbert Marcuse who was a participant in the socialist Spartacist uprising in Berlin during 1918 and was nearly a victim of the KPD purge himself (Human Liberation and Revolt ). A complete analysis of the Nazi concept of State can be found in Herbert Marcuse’s article on fascist ideology in “The Struggle Against Liberalism in the Totalitarian View of the State” (1934) which can be found in his book “Negations” (Beacon Press, 1968). Do not confuse the self named Marxist political party "Social Democratic Party" with the entire socio-economic system called "Liberal Democratic society" for they are not the same. The SPD is a Marxist party, but "Liberal Democratic society" is a Capitalist economic system. Marcuse saw Nazi fascism emerging from a CAPITALIST society based on Liberal Democratic values. Fascism is a Capitalist disease. That is why his analysis is relevant today.

Because the Nazis were anti-Leftist, the Marxist were the FIRST to sound the alarm in Germany of the coming fascist threat.

Marcuse gives the best analysis of the ideological foundation of fascism in Germany during the 1920 and 1930s. The Leftists and Marxists were the first to see the threat and sound the alarm.

Marcuse—a real Marxist—was promoted in the Intelligence Research of the U.S. State Department as Acting Chief of the Central European Branch. Marcuse wrote a 532-page analysis in 1949 of the Soviet Union for the Division of International and Functional Intelligence entitled “The Potentials of World Communism” (declassified in May 1978). Marcuse called the Soviet Union “bureaucratic communism” and a corrupt third-rate welfare state that would collapse in 40 years. Actually, his critique is more complex, but his critique of Soviet Marxism was similar as his critique of American Capitalism. The US government, eager to profit from the Cold War, wanted to hear something else about the threat of a communist state --that the Soviet Union was a massive leviathan that threatened world domination--and ignored the report.

George Orwell wrote Animal Farm in 1945. George Orwell was a British citizen that went to Spain in 1914-1918 to fight against the Fascist supported by Germany and Italy. George Orwell was a socialist and was the first to raise the alarm of the Soviet communist state. Animal Farm was the most devastating critique of the Soviet brand of communism ever written. Animal Farm was the best-known polemic against Soviet Communism in America as the cold war began—and a socialist wrote it! See Kulak the Craphead you were repeating Socialist propaganda and didn't even know it. Orwell was shot in the throat by a fascist sniper and returned to Britain to warn of the Soviet Stalins—that they were communist in name only. Orwell witnessed the Stalinists kill, and torture socialists fighting the fascist. Orwell and his wife barely escaped Spain before being arrested. This is long before Britain, and America became allies with Stalinist Russia. In fact Orwell couldn't publish his critiques of fascism because Britain was courting Stalin as a war ally. Churchill was writing love letters to Benito Mussolini and Herny Luce, the owner of Time-Life magazine actually published an issue praising Mussolini fascism. This issue is collectors item today!
quote:
Winston Churchill wrote in 1927 that "If I had been an Italian I am sure I would have been entirely with you" and "don the Fascist black shirt." As late as 1940, Churchill was still describing Mussolini as "a great man."
Ecomonic Fascism

But Orwell also wrote other warnings of Stalinism in Spilling The Spanish Beans, 1937 and in Looking Back on the Spanish War, 1942.
Pull you head out of your ass Kulak “The Lackey” and read these articles sometime so you won’t start spewing you simple-minded vomit about history in total ignorance. What an embarrassment you are!

Maybe, this is so embarrassing, you can also read George Orwell's 1984 written in 1948 about Soviet totalitarianism but it is really about all forms of totalitarianism that he feared would even be found in Britain and America.


Remembrance of the Fascists may give rise to dangerous insights...
Herbert Marcuse
 
Posts: 3909 | Location: California, Bay Area | Registered: 31 October 2004Report This Post
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Bull Miles , you may not want to believe it, but read the quote again, I didn't make this up.

quote:
The new party was named the Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands [SED], the socialist unity party.



The inherent vice of capitalism is the unequal sharing of blessings; the inherent virtue of socialism is the equal sharing of miseries.
Winston Churchill
 
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1. We demand equality of rights for US citizens in respect to the other nations.
2. The right to determine matters concerning administration and law belongs only to the citizen.
3. We demand that the state be charged first with providing the opportunity for a livelihood and way of life for the citizens.
4. Any further immigration of non-citizens is to be prevented.
5. All citizens must have equal rights and obligations.
6. The first obligation of every citizen must be to work both spiritually and physically.
7. The activity of individuals is not to counteract the interests of the universality, but must have its result within the framework of the whole for the benefit of all.
8. Breaking of rent-slavery.
9. Abolition of unearned incomes. Or at least tax it at a higher rate.
10. Therefore we demand the total confiscation of all war profits.
11. In consideration of the monstrous sacrifice in property and blood that each war demands of the people personal enrichment through a war must be designated as a crime against the people.
12. We demand the nationalization of all monopolistic industries (trusts).
13. We demand a division of profits of all heavy industries (Permanent fund dividend-AK).
14. We demand an expansion on a large scale of old age welfare.
15. We demand the creation of a healthy middle class and its conservation.
16. Immediate communalization of the great warehouses and their being leased at low cost to small firms, with the utmost consideration of all small firms in contracts with the State, county or municipality.
17. We demand a land reform suitable to our needs, provision of a law for the free expropriation of land for the purposes of public utility, abolition of taxes on land and prevention of all speculation in land.
18. We demand struggle without consideration against those whose activity is injurious to the general interest.
19. We demand substitution of a US common law in place of the Roman Law serving a materialistic world-order.
20. The state is to be responsible for a fundamental reconstruction of our whole national education program.
21. Enable every capable and industrious US citizen to obtain higher education.
22. We demand the education at the expense of the State of outstanding intellectually gifted children of poor parents without consideration of position or profession.
23. The State is to care for the elevating national health by protecting the mother and child, by outlawing child-labor, by the encouragement of physical fitness, by means of the legal establishment of a gymnastic and sport obligation, by the utmost support of all organizations concerned with the physical instruction of the young.
24. We demand freedom of religion for all religious denominations within the state so long as they do not endanger its existence or oppose the moral senses of the US citizens.
25. It combats the materialistic spirit within and around us, and is convinced that a lasting recovery of our nation can only succeed from within on the framework: common utility precedes individual utility.
26. For the execution of all of this we demand the formation of a strong central power.

This does not look like my brand of conservative ideas. How many do you agree with?
 
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But the new year brought new intrigue. The big bankers and industrialists who had petitioned Hindenburg on behalf of Hitler still liked the idea of Hitler in power. And Papen was now out to bring down Schleicher. On January 4, 1933, Hitler went to a meeting with Papen at the house of banker Kurt von Schroeder. Papen surprised Hitler by offering to oust Schleicher and install a Papen-Hitler government with himself and Hitler, both equal partners.

And all those capitalists in America supporting fascism, seems kind of strange doesn't it?


Remembrance of the Fascists may give rise to dangerous insights...
Herbert Marcuse
 
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The story of Josef Kneifel imprisoned and tortured by the antifascist Stasi.

Josef Kneifel was a longtime factory worker from Saxony. He began to protest against the antifascist regime’s politicization of the workplace in the 60’s. In 1975 he was arrested by the antifascist Stasi, having been denounced for telling his coworkers that Stalin had committed gruesome crimes against humanity, he had also described the antifascist SED and its affiliated parties as having ‘ prostituted themselves to become vassals of Moscow”.
He was sentenced to ten months at hard labor, he suffered the usual beatings and dehumanizing chicaneries at the hands of the antifascist Stasi. When Soviet troops invaded Afghanistan he became enraged. He decided to blow up a monument tank. On march 9, 1980 he carried out his show of defiance. For a while he escaped detection, but he made a mistake, he confided in his pastor and other church friends. Either the pastor or one of his friends was a antifascist informer for the Stasi. He was arrested on Aug. 18. The antifascists also arrested his wife, Irmgard, and his 18 year old son Friedeman.
The secret antifascist trail began March 9, at the courthouse in Karl-Marx-Stadt, the prosecutors, judge, and jurors were all members of the Communist Party. When the judge began to read the sentence, beginning with the phrase”in the name of the people” he shouted ‘enough of this misuse of the peoples name you lackeys! I will not accept a sentence from you! Two antifascist men dragged him from the courtroom. He did not hear the life sentence pronounced.
At Brandenburg prison he was assigned a tiny cell measuring no more than six feet square. It was unheated. Later he was locked up with 2 felons, one a murderer. This murderer was supposed to “modernize “ him. In protest Kneifel began the first of many hunger strikes.Meanwhile Irmgard his wife,had been sentenced to 2 years for “failing to report a crime” to the antifascist Stasi, even though she never knew of her husbands plans. His son Friedeman was also sentenced to ten months.
Throughout his long imprisonment he would shout “Kneifel, political prisoner of the communists reporting!”
In 1985 Kneifel got out a “kassiber” a secret message to west germany through another prisoner.It was published in a small West German newspaper “ a call for help from the other side”. He was beaten and starved for two more years by the antifascist socialist Stasi. In 1987 he was released by Erich Honecker, leader of East Germany.
As part of the deal for his freedom Kneifel was not allowed to reveal his experiences to the media.
The Social Democratic Party and the Liberal Free Democrats were particularly anxious to please Honecker and his gang. The leading officials of both parties tried for several years to have the Central Registration Office of SED crimes closed and its files destroyed! Only the fierce resistance of the Conservative Christian Democratic Party kept the office intact.
In 1992 , Kneifel was invited by the custodians of the Stasi files to view his own dossier, 8000 pages of it. To his astonishment the spies who had informed on him included his wife's lawyer and several pastors and family friends

Sounds like SOCIALISM is paradise to me!



The inherent vice of capitalism is the unequal sharing of blessings; the inherent virtue of socialism is the equal sharing of miseries.
Winston Churchill
 
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Sounds like SOCIALISM is paradise to me!


Sounds like Gitmo to me.

You mean that is all you got? You have no response except mindless anti-SOVIET propaganda. Its your best strawman because you can't address any of the issues like Orwell's polemical warnings 57 years before Josef Kneifel's arrest and even predicted a police state exactly like the DDR in his book, "1984" 27 years earlier! What a sorry mess you are! In fact, when Russians read Orwell's novel, 1984, they said, "How did he know?"

Socialist William Randolph Hearst with Nazi officials. (If we are to accept your idiocy)


Remembrance of the Fascists may give rise to dangerous insights...
Herbert Marcuse
 
Posts: 3909 | Location: California, Bay Area | Registered: 31 October 2004Report This Post